MARIO GAUCI While I was aware of the 1978 kidnapping and execution of "Democrazia Cristiana" President Aldo Moro by the terrorist group "Brigate Rosse", I was clearly not knowledgeable of the exact details since I was a mere toddler when the event that shook the nation took place; in retrospect, it is not that the vicissitudes behind the case are made all that clear in the film – but, at least, here the obligatory didacticism is balanced by a surprising yet genuinely moving humanism. It was perhaps inevitable, then, that controversial director Bellocchio would tackle the subject – despite its having already been rendered cinematically in THE MORO AFFAIR (1986), in which the former Italian Prime Minister was played by the great Gian Maria Volonte' – since his work had always been politically-oriented to some degree. What I did not anticipate was the fact that Bellocchio would present the story from the ambivalent eyes of one of the radicals themselves, superbly played by lovely Maya Sansa, and even less so the touches of outright fantasy (equating, in its depiction of Moro's flight from captivity, wishful thinking!) he inserted intermittently within the compelling and generally intense narrative. Incidentally, newsreel and other assorted TV footage dating from the era are similarly juxtaposed; however, as I said earlier, all of this does not really enlighten one on the matter: especially baffling is the lack of an objective, i.e. opposing view, of the politics involved (for instance, there seems to be no ongoing police investigation and the suggestion that Moro's peers simply chose to forget about him is rather disturbing). By the way, the obscure title refers to a screenplay Moro happens to be carrying with him at the time of the abduction: ironically, it turns out to have been written by an infatuated colleague from the heroine's conservative work-place, a public library…but, then, this emerges as just another flight of fancy on the director's part since it tells of a comparable act of terrorism, albeit blessed with a happy ending for its victim! Of particular interest here is the accompanying soundtrack, deftly mixing operatic arias with no less grandiose Pink Floyd classics such as "The Great Gig In The Sky" and "Shine On You Crazy Diamond (Part One)".

Claudio Carvalho On 16 March 1978, the Italian politician of the Christian Democracy and former Prime Minister Aldo Moro is kidnapped by the Red Brigades with the purpose of exchanging him for the release of several terrorists from prison. The Red Brigade does not succeed in the intent and after fifty- four days in captivity, they kill Aldo Moro with eleven shots in the chest."Buongiorno, Notte" is a shallow and non-sense dramatization of the last days of Aldo Moro in confinement through the eyes of a twenty-three year-old sensitive terrorist and librarian. The movie technically is good, with great performances, nice cinematography and costumes. But I do not see any worth in a fictional dramatization of a true well-known story. The political events behind the case are not focused but only a corny attitude of a hypothetical terrorist that is against the wall with the decision of her comrades of executing the politician. The wonderful songs of Pink Floyd ("Shine on you Crazy Diamond", "The Great Gig in the Sky") do not fit well to the theme. The dream sequences of the lead character are the best moments of this forgettable and overrated movie. My vote is five.Title (Brazil): "Bom Dia, Noite" ("Good Morning, Night")

palmiro I won't comment on the film's artistic merits, which I regard as noteworthy, nor on the psychological portrait given of the brigatisti, which I thought interesting but flawed. I will only say that the film was deeply moving for me and had me crying uncontrollably at times. I wish to give, instead, a sketch of the film's political context for the benefit of those whose familiarity with that period in Italian politics may be limited.By 1978 Italy had been ruled uninterruptedly for more than 30 years by coalition governments, all of which were dominated by the Christian-Democratic party (DC). The Italian Communist Party (PCI) had been thrown out of the government in 1947 (in part, on the insistence of Washington as a condition for Italy's receiving Marshall aid monies), and it was excluded from all governments even though its share of the popular vote rose with every post-war election, making it the second largest party in Italy (it peaked at more than a third of the vote in the late 1970s). The PCI was not your average Communist party. It espoused a route to the transformation of capitalism that emphasized gradualism, social mobilization, and electoral politics--and by the early '60s its commitment to the acceptance of the principles of democratic pluralism was public and pronounced. By the end of the '70s, Italy was sorely in need of reform--the kind of reform in institutional arrangements and socio-economic policies that could only come through a change in government. The 30 years of DC rule had created a regime rent through and through with corruption and unresponsive government (by contrast with the regional governments run by the PCI, which were models of efficiency and responsive government). But the US and most of the DC continued to argue that the opposition should not be allowed to come to power under any circumstances because of the "Communist menace." Aldo Moro, president of the DC at the time, was one of a few DC leaders receptive to the idea of bringing the PCI into the government to effect reforms and make the country more governable--responding, as he was, to the initiative of Enrico Berlinguer, leader of the PCI, who called for an "historic compromise" with the Catholic masses and their party. But at the same time that the PCI was inching towards the government, there were fractions of the left in Italy that felt that the PCI was selling out the dream of making "The Revolution". Certainly it was true that the PCI had long abandoned the notion of "Revolution in the West" as resembling anything like the storming of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg in 1917 (note the imagery of revolutionary Russia thrown into the film by Bellocchio as representative of the consciousness of the brigatisti). But the PCI continued to be nominally wedded to the idea that capitalism was not the final resting place in the evolution of human social-economic systems, and that it could and should be replaced by a system of production based on production to satisfy human needs rather than private profit. The closer the PCI moved towards government and compromise with the DC, the more this commitment to a socio-economic order alternative to capitalism was put into question in the eyes of Italy's "revolutionary" left (all of which, by the way,existed outside of the PCI in other social and political organizations). Enter the Red Brigades (BR). Most of the their ranks were filled with leftists who came to "revolutionary" politics via Catholicism and the social gospel. They believed themselves to be heirs to the tradition of revolutionary militancy (and armed struggle)embodied in the Resistenza, the struggle against the German occupation of Italy,1943-45--a struggle which, in the minds of many of the combatants, was waged for the sake of a socio-economic order alternative to the inequalities and irrationalities of capitalism (it was mainly Bellocchio's use of clips showing the execution of "partigiani" (resistance fighters) and the reading of the letters they had written just prior to their execution which brought me to tears). The BR believed that through "exemplary" actions (the knee-capping or killing of politicians, journalists, and trade-unionists seen by them as enemies of the working class) they might be able to galvanize the masses of the working class, whose revolutionary militancy had, presumably, had been lulled into a quiescent state by the "sell-out" leadership of the PCI.The kidnapping of Moro was designed to put a stop to that process, and indeed it succeeded well. To the delight both of the "revolutionary" left and Washington the PCI was kept out of the government for almost another 20 years, until after the fall of the USSR and the complete dissolution of the DC under the weight of a gigantic scandal. One side note: Bellocchio is certainly in error in suggesting that Stalin would have been part of the fantasies of the BR--while they greatly admired Lenin for having pulled off the Bolshevik Revolution, they detested Stalin and the bureaucratized party rule that came in his wake.One final note: I'm not sure I understand why Bellocchio has chosen as his counter-hero a figure who suggests the use of "fantasia" as an alternative to violence. It was precisely the BR's "flight of imagination" that got them into trouble, imagining a world that didn't exist in Italy--a world of revolutionary seething masses just waiting for a spark to ignite them. In politics there's no substitute for Machiavelli's "chiaroveggenza" (the capacity to see things clearly).

hermione47 I've read the other comments on this board and I would like to precise that Aldo Moro at the time was not the Italian President and that obviously the Red Brigades were out for his blood because he was working skilfully at a compromise between the Christian Democrats and the Communists and that meant for the extremists of the left to be cut out from any kind of power or hold they might have on the Government. The film itself does not seek to give political answers and is much more concerned with the human aspects of the drama. It's more lyrical than realistic... if you're looking for action or for a docudrama, you should probably go elsewhere.